1. DEBATE OVER CONSTITUTION

after all that has been said in his defence, remains undisproved; and
its influence alarming; tho' I hope not undiminished.
I believe the Republican has a very exact knowledge of the rights
and duties of Citizenship, and I presume from thence that he will ad-
mit, that a Chief Magistrate, from whose example each descending rank
should learn obedience, is himself most bound. The reason is obvious:-
the extent of his power renders the effects of his errors more diffused
and dangerous, and, in the same measure that they are influential, I
conceive him to be culpable. In my turn, I grant that his Excellency,
both as Governor and as a free citizen, has an undeniable right to give
an opinion on any public measure; and his authority, in cases of real
danger and emergency, extends much farther: But at the same time I
contend, that when such opinions are judged, by the enlightened part
of the community, to be pregnant with pernicious consequences, they
ought to be combated; and that citizen who, under such circumstances,
feels himself impelled, from pure principles, to warn the people of
impending danger, deserves well of the public. I concur most heartily
in opinion with the Republican, when he says, "In governments con-
ducted by intrigue and deception, and where ignorance is their chief sup-
port, candor will be arraigned as a vice; and reservedness, or silence, as
the case may be, will be tortured, as is common enough, into wisdom
and sagacity. While at the same time I admit, that the Republican has
discovered himself to be a man of considerable penetration, I dispute
the great postulata by which he endeavors to justify the Governor, and
fix reprehension on Col. Hamilton, tho' they discover some logical
strength, yet they, at the same time, shew much political weakness. Let us
look at his own words. "The only evil (says he) that could possibly
result, must arise from the promulgation of the Governor's sentiments
on the present posture of public affairs; for, in this instance (mark his
delusive inference) if they were not known they could not influence." Alas!
the good gentleman appears little versed in the various modes, by
which influence is communicable. The influence which even a great
man's silence will communicate on some occasions, will speak loudly, and
spread its contagion far and wide. Has the Republican ever cast his eyes
over this state, and taken a view of the men in the different counties,
who are in office? Does he know aught of the system of connections and
dependencies? Has he considered the two distinct and strongly marked
political classes, which obtain in it in common with the other States of
the Union (for the sake of perspicuity I shall stile them Federal and
Anti-Federal) and of whom, generally speaking, are they composed?
The first I will venture to name:-they are the Clergy-the respectable

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