THE COUNCIL OF FOUR


ineffectual and the occasion of endless friction between the controlling
Powers;-a friction so acute as even to endanger the peace of the
world.
But the plan I propose is not a Condominium. A Condominium, as
I understand it is the joint Government of a single State by many
powers acting collectively. Under such a system, the Powers first
agree upon a policy, and then impose it upon the subordinate State.
They control, actually or potentially, the whole administration.
If they differ, the administrative machinery stands still. If their
differences are due to their being moved by inconsistent interests,
they may become acute and even dangerous. The subordinate Gov-
ernment is perpetually tempted to play one off against the other, and
the whole country becomes the theatre of rival intrigues. Everybody
quarrels, and nothing is done.
Now nobody will pretend that the Constantinople Government was
a good one, but it was not as bad as all this. There were, of course, end-
less [intrigues], political and financial. There was a perpetual strug-
gle to obtain influence with the Sultan and his Ministers. There was
much corruption; there was much maladministration. But it was
never a Condominium. The Sultan appointed his ministers; he ap-
pointed the Governors of his Provinces; he raised and commanded the
Army; he directed the foreign policy of his country, and was in these
and all other important respects, an independent sovereign. Certain
branches of his administration were no doubt controlled, not by a
foreign Condominium but by foreigners. He remained, nevertheless,
in quite a different position from that which he would have held either
under a Condominium or under a Mandatory.
Another objection raised against my scheme is that it gives specialX
privileges to Italy in the southern part of the Turkish state. This is
quite true, and of course I should greatly prefer that it were otherwise
But inasmuch as the whole plan is primarily devised in order to do
something to satisfy Italian appetites, that is, I am afraid, inevitable.
From an administrative point of view, the scheme would no doubt be
much better if the Italians played no part in it. I freely admit it-but
I submit that the argument is irrelevant. The Italians must somehow
be mollified, and the only question is how to mollify them at the smallest
cost to mankind.
Then it is said that to give the Italians a first claim to concessions
in any district is to violate the principle of equal opportunities for|
all nations. Again, I am not prepared to deny the charge. My whole
object is to give the Italians something which they will really like, and
it seems that they have a great liking for concessions. I remember,
when the Marquis Imperiali was comparing the advantages which the
French would get out of Cilicia with the advantages which Italy was


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