for the distribution of the plunder of the workers, their
struggles for the nationa{ishare of the exploitation of
barbarous peoples are nothing to us, except so far as they
may give us an opportunity for instilling Socialism into
their mind&s"
                         The League      advocated  the
complete destruction of existing sociaL conditions; offering
as a substitute a Statn ie which land, capital, machinery,
factories, workshops, means of transit, mines, banking,
and all means of producing and distributing wealth should
be declared the common property of all.
                         During a membership in the
League of six years (1884-1890), Morris was unwearied
In his efforts as a writer and public speaker, and generous
to the point of lavishness with his private contributions to
the expenses of the body. Two hundred fifty issues of
"The Commonweal" passed through his hands; lectures
were delivered by him in all parts of the Kingdom,
irrespective of weather and personal comfort; his superb
collection of early printed books was sacrificed to the
cause that he loved; and, following his other treasures,
his health was thrown ungrudgingly into the balance.
                         In 1887, at the culmination of
the acute stage of his Socialism, Morris took part in the
gathering ordered to assemble in the Trafalgar Square,
and to be composed of delegates from the Radical Clubs
of London, the Irish National League, the Democratic
Federation and the Socialistic League. A spectator has
thus graphically described the demonstration, as the great
concourse of people began to pour out of the Square down
Parliament Street:
                         "On they came, with a sort of
irresistible force,--and right in front-among the red
flags, singing with all his might, was William Morris.
He had the ace of a Crusader, and he marched as the
Crusaders must have marched."
                         As in the case of the first


WILLIAM MOBK BI$


23