ALS IK KAN: NOTES: REVIEWS


ALS IK KAN
HE pride of Americans, inspired
        by the greatness and glory of
        the country, and its marvellous
resources of human genius and natural
endowments, is humbled and shamed by
the spectacle of civic corruption and po-
litical failure. The magnificent business
acumen and courage which have made
the word "American" synonymous with
success, and wrought splendid achieve-
ments in industry, commerce, science, in-
vention, art, literature and philosophy,
have failed to make our political life a
matter for pride. The same word "Amer-
ican" which in so many other depart-
ments of life is a synonym for glorious
achievement, is in politics and statecraft
synonymous with shameful corruption
and abject inefficiency.
   The greatest republic in history is not
 a conspicuous example of the success of
 political democracy. Under it we have
 evolved a "boss" rule as despotic as
 Russia's Grand   Ducal oligarchy and
 quite as corrupt. As Professor Gold-
 win Smith justly observed in a recent is-
 sue of the North American Review, our
 political system "breaks down" in mu-
 nicipal government. Mr. Bryce, the Brit-
 ish Ambassador, long ago remarked the
 same fact, and there is no lack of corrob-
 orative testimony. Democracy, the sworn
 foe of despotism, creates despots in the
 shape of political bosses like Tweed,
 Croker and Murphy, of New       York;
 Krantz and Butler, of St. Louis; Ames
 and Gardiner, of Minneapolis; Magee
 and Flint, of Pittsburg; Martin and
 Durham, of Philadelphia; Cox, of Cin-
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cinnati; Ruef, of San Francisco, and
many others equally malodorous and
dangerous.
  Revolts against this rule of the boss
are common.     Everywhere the worm
turns and there are intermittent "re-
form" risings. Tweed is broken and dis-
graced, but Croker comes after a brief
interval.  Croker goes, but Murphy
comes to take his place. Weaver wins
in Philadelphia, but after a brief and
barren term of office the "machine" he
thought he had completely wrecked comes.
back to its old powers of graft and cor-
ruption.
  As a result of the cynicism and pes-
simism which this experience engenders,
there is a good deal of discussion of the
"incapacity of democratic government."
A few ardent believers in the simple prin-
ciples of democracy adhere to the con-
viction so eloquently expressed by Ma-
caulay in his fine essay on Milton, that
"There is only one cure for the evils
which newly acquired freedom produces;
and that cure is freedom." Likewise,
say these believers in democracy, the on-
ly cure for the evils of democracy is more
democracy. This is, of course, the Amer-
ican idea. It is the essence of the po-
litical and social faith of Lincoln. But
against this faith in the people comes the
demand to lessen their powers.    Pro-
posals are made that a larger part of the
functions of government should be taken
out of the hands of the people and en-
trusted to boards of "experts" or civil
service commissioners.  Even   such  a
democratic thinker as Professor Goldwin
Smith proposes that municipal govern-
ment should be taken out of the hands of